Conference Report: Afghanistan Four Years On: Forced Displacement, Root Causes, and the Path to Peace

Introduction

On August 11, 2025, marking the fourth anniversary of the Taliban’s return to power, Displaced International (DI), in partnership with the Arizona State University Leadership, Diplomacy and National Security Lab (ASU LDNS Lab), convened a high-level international virtual conference titled “Afghanistan Four Years On: Forced Displacement, Root Causes, and the Path to Peace.” Four years into Taliban rule, Afghanistan faces a prolonged crisis defined by mass displacement, repression, and the collapse of legitimate governance.

More than 10 million Afghans remain forcibly displaced inside the country and across borders, making Afghanistan the third-largest refugee population in the world. Escalating deportations from Iran and Pakistan, the Taliban’s institutionalized gender apartheid, and the near-total erosion of civic space have turned Afghanistan into one of today’s most neglected humanitarian disasters.

The conference brought together leading Afghan and international experts to examine the root causes of forced displacement and to outline realistic, rights-based pathways toward peace. Central to the discussions was the recognition that a durable solution requires the establishment of a legitimate, inclusive Afghan government through renewed international engagement under UN auspices, with strong leadership and sponsorship from the United States.

Panel I – Forced Displacement and Root Causes in Afghanistan

Moderated by Lieutenant General Benjamin Freakley (Ret.), Co-Founder of the LDNS Lab and Distinguished Fellow at ASU, this panel featured:

• H.E. Mohammed Haneef Atmar, Former Foreign Minister of Afghanistan
• Ambassador Shukria Barakzai, Former MP and Diplomat of Afghanistan
• Mr. Ali Maisam Nazary, Head of Foreign Relations, National Resistance Front (NRF)
• Ms. Suhasini Haidar, Diplomatic Editor, The Hindu
• Professor William Maley, DI Global Advisory Council Member and Emeritus Professor, Australian National University

Panelists examined the historical and contemporary drivers of displacement—including foreign intervention, state collapse, and Taliban repression—and warned of the destabilizing impact of continued deportations and systematic rights violations.

Panel II – Conflict Resolution, Peace Processes & Pathways to Sustainable Peace

Moderated by Ambassador M. Ashraf Haidari, Founder and President of DI, this panel included:

• Ms. Hasina Jalal, DI Global Advisory Council Member and Women’s Rights Advocate
• Ms. Annie Pforzheimer, Former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia
• Mr. Daoud Naji, Head of the Political Committee, Afghanistan Freedom Front
• The Honorable Afrasiab Khattak, DI Global Advisory Council Member and Former Pakistani Senator
• Mr. Ahmad Shuja Jamal, DI Global Advisory Council Member and former Director-General, Afghan National Security Council

Speakers underscored that conflict resolution and inclusive peacebuilding are the only viable solutions to Afghanistan’s crises. They called for international leadership—particularly from the United States—in advancing a UN-backed peace process and ensuring that Afghan women, youth, and civil society are at the center of decision-making. This timely conference highlighted both the urgency of Afghanistan’s humanitarian catastrophe and the enduring commitment of DI and its partners to advocate for conflict resolution and peacebuilding—the only lasting answers to the global challenges of forced displacement and migration.

Below is a detailed conference report.

• Opening Remarks – Ambassador M. Ashraf Haidari, Founder and President, Displaced International

Ambassador Haidari formally welcomed participants, distinguished colleagues, and honored guests to the high-level conference “Afghanistan Four Years On: Forced Displacement, Root Causes, and the Path to Peace.” He emphasized that the event, co-convened by Displaced International (DI) and Arizona State University’s Leadership, Diplomacy, and National Security (LDNS) Lab, was both timely and vital, taking place as the world marked four years since the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan. He extended sincere thanks to His Excellency Mohammad Haneef Atmar, former Foreign Minister of Afghanistan, whose humanitarian and development leadership had inspired resilience and hope among Afghans and their international partners. He also recognized Lieutenant General Benjamin Freakley, co-founder of the LDNS Lab, for his committed leadership, and expressed gratitude to the distinguished panelists and participants who had joined the gathering in solidarity with displaced Afghans.

Displaced International’s Mission

Ambassador Haidari described DI as a refugee- and displaced-person-led organization, guided by its Board of Directors, Global Advisory Council, and DI Fellows worldwide. The organization empowers displaced communities through advocacy, emergency aid, integration services, and pathways for family unification, labor mobility, and resettlement. At its core, DI’s mission is anchored in conflict resolution and peacebuilding—lasting solutions to forced displacement. He stressed that sustainable peace must address root causes, protect civilians, foster social cohesion, promote justice, and enshrine reconciliation. “Peace agreements,” he argued, “must protect the rights of displaced people, including women, youth, and minorities.” He urged participants and stakeholders to lend their support to DI’s goals and help secure urgently needed resources for displaced communities.

Afghanistan’s Crisis in Global Context

Turning to the wider displacement landscape, Ambassador Haidari noted that more than 123 million people worldwide have been forced from their homes due to conflict, persecution, and systematic human rights violations. Afghanistan, he emphasized, remains among the most severe and complex crises, with over 10 million Afghans displaced internally and across borders.“These are not numbers,” he said firmly. “They represent broken families, disrupted lives, and denied dignity.” He outlined the root causes of Afghanistan’s displacement crisis:

• The Taliban’s extremist regime rules by repression and lacks political legitimacy.
• Democratic institutions have been dismantled, civil society silenced, and dissent punished.
• Internal Taliban divisions and the resurgence of terrorist groups like al-Qaeda and ISIS-K threaten both Afghanistan’s internal stability and global security.

Economically, Afghanistan has suffered a 30% contraction since 2021. With international aid—the lifeline for millions—dwindling dramatically, the Taliban now rely on illicit activities to sustain control. The results are dire: over 90% of Afghans live in poverty, youth unemployment is rampant, and despair drives an estimated 200,000 young Afghans to flee each year, while others remain vulnerable to radicalization.

Gender Apartheid as a Driver of Displacement

Ambassador Haidari stressed that the Taliban’s institutionalized “gender apartheid” compounds the crisis. Over 80 decrees restrict women’s rights. Girls are banned from secondary and higher education, and women are excluded from public life. “This not only violates fundamental human rights,” he said, “but cripples essential social services, deprives children of education, and exposes them to extremist influence.” Many Afghan women and girls, he noted, have fled in search of dignity and safety. Nearly 70% of Afghans depend on humanitarian assistance. Yet, he cautioned, aid alone cannot resolve a crisis rooted in the absence of national legitimacy, international recognition, and a functioning economy.

Forced Returns and Regional Responsibility

The crisis has been aggravated by mass deportations of Afghan refugees from neighboring countries, particularly Iran and Pakistan. Haidari highlighted the tragic irony: both countries supported the Taliban before and after 2021, contributing to the very conditions forcing Afghans to flee. “In 2025 alone,” he reported, “nearly two million Afghans have been expelled from neighboring states.” Such actions violate international law, including the principle of non-refoulement, which forbids returning people to danger. Vulnerable groups—women, children, civil society members, and former government personnel—face acute risks upon return. These deportations, he warned, overwhelm Afghanistan’s fragile resources and deepen instability across the region.

A Call for Leadership and Diplomacy

Ambassador Haidari then turned to the role of the international community. He argued that governance failures, regional geopolitics, and cycles of forced return perpetuate Afghanistan’s displacement. The only sustainable way forward is through the creation of an inclusive Afghan government that respects diversity, human rights, and the rule of law. Displaced Afghans, he insisted, must be empowered to shape their country’s future. He called for renewed international leadership—especially from the United States. Citing former President Donald Trump’s role in brokering peace between Azerbaijan and Armenia, he urged similar constructive diplomacy in Afghanistan.

“Afghanistan now presents a critical opportunity for decisive leadership,” Haidari said. “Achieving lasting peace demands that the United States set aside geopolitical rivalries and work constructively with UN Security Council members and regional allies.” He stressed that only a UN-backed multilateral peace process can deliver a durable solution. Such leadership, he concluded, is not only a moral duty but a strategic necessity. Until peace is secured, displaced Afghans must be protected through legal migration pathways, expanded resettlement, and security guarantees for voluntary returns.

Concluding Appeal

Ambassador Haidari closed with a strong appeal: “This moment is a decisive test of international resolve and cooperation. It calls for innovative diplomacy, blending formal negotiations with informal dialogue to forge consensus for a just and enduring peace.” He reaffirmed DI’s steadfast commitment to advancing conflict resolution as the only lasting solution to displacement. Through principled advocacy, transparent dialogue, and unified action, he said, “we can renew hope for millions of Afghans and pave the way toward peace, inclusion, and justice in Afghanistan.” Before yielding the floor to Lieutenant General Freakley, Ambassador Haidari offered special thanks to DI Senior Fellow Nawid Noormal for his invaluable support in organizing the conference and serving as master of ceremonies.

• Opening Remarks – Lieutenant General Benjamin C. Freakley (Ret.), Co-Founder, ASU Leadership, Diplomacy and National Security Lab

General Freakley expressed gratitude for the opportunity to participate and thanked Ambassador Haidari for his leadership. Speaking as a retired U.S. Army officer and an educator, he emphasized that Afghanistan’s plight remains deeply personal: he served as a commander there, and both of his sons deployed during the two-decade mission.

Seeds of Disaster in the Doha Process and Withdrawal

General Freakley traced the collapse of the Republic of Afghanistan to decisions taken under President Donald Trump. In his view, “the seeds of disaster” were planted when Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad, acting on Trump’s directive, negotiated exclusively with the Taliban in Doha. By sidelining the elected Afghan government, Washington fatally undercut its legitimacy. Those seeds, he said, “came to fruition when the Biden administration unilaterally withdrew U.S. forces despite the warnings of military leaders.” He noted that only 2,500 American troops remained in early 2021 and believed the Republic could have endured with their continued support alongside the Afghan National Defense and Security Forces (ANDSF). Instead, the withdrawal triggered a cascading collapse that left Afghans vulnerable and disillusioned.

The Afghan People and Their Country

General Freakley described Afghanistan as “an incredible country—most of all for its people.” He praised Afghans’ courage, hospitality, and resilience, qualities he came to admire during his command. Yet he lamented that international abandonment in 2021 delivered Afghans into the hands of an oppressive regime. The Taliban, he said, are “illicit, illegitimate, and repressive.” Their return has revived safe havens for extremist groups. “Afghanistan today hosts over 40 violent extremist organizations,” he warned, endangering Afghans, the region, and the world.

The Moral Obligation Toward Afghan Allies

General Freakley highlighted the plight of Afghan allies who served alongside international forces. Many Afghan generals now live in exile while their families remain scattered. Former ANDSF personnel, interpreters, and officials are hunted, imprisoned, or killed. “These were men and women who sacrificed for freedom and democracy, who stood shoulder to shoulder with us.” He urged the U.S. Congress to pass the Afghan Adjustment Act to regularize the status of evacuated Afghans: “They stood by us; now we must stand by them.”

Recommendations: Pressure and Support

General Freakley outlined a dual approach: unrelenting pressure on the Taliban and steadfast support for Afghan citizens. Pressure across multiple instruments of power:

• Economic: Maintain sanctions constraining Taliban access to funds while ensuring humanitarian aid bypasses the regime.
• Political and Diplomatic: Isolate the Taliban internationally; deny recognition despite cosmetic changes.
• Legal: Pursue accountability for crimes and violations of international law.
• Educational and Humanitarian: Invest in youth, health care, and education to strengthen resilience against extremist narratives.

Support should flow directly to the people via transparent channels, women-led organizations, and diaspora networks.

Concluding Thoughts

Despite the grim outlook, General Freakley declared himself “eternally optimistic,” citing the extraordinary resilience of Afghans. “They are courageous, resilient, and resourceful. We can help them, and we should help them.” Afghanistan deserves a government chosen by its people—not imposed by the Taliban and not legitimized by foreign recognition. “The Taliban are not a government,” he concluded. “They are a terrorist organization, a criminal organization, only out for themselves. Regardless of what bow they put on it, they must never be recognized.” He urged participants to keep Afghans at the center: increase pressure on human rights and the rule of law, and address health crises—polio, measles, tuberculosis, and preventable maternal and child mortality. “This,” he said, “is the human cost of Taliban rule.” He reaffirmed his and the LDNS Lab’s readiness to work with Ambassador Haidari, DI, and partners to restore dignity to the Afghan people.

Panel I – Forced Displacement and Root Causes in Afghanistan

• H.E. Mohammad Haneef Atmar, Former Foreign Minister of Afghanistan

Minister Atmar thanked Ambassador Haidari, DI, ASU, and colleagues for convening a timely dialogue. He stressed that displacement in Afghanistan has historically been overwhelmingly man-made rather than natural—a pattern that continues. He outlined key historical drivers:

• The Soviet invasion (1980s) created millions of refugees.
• The fall of President Najibullah (1992) and civil war displaced millions again.
• The first Taliban regime (1996–2001) forced people into exile through persecution.
• The post-2001 war on terror also produced displacement.
• The collapse of the Republic (2021) triggered yet another exodus.

Across all phases, displacement was forced, not voluntary—driven by persecution, human rights abuses, and political instability. Natural disasters exacerbated the situation but were not the root cause. Regarding 2021, Atmar described the Republic’s fall as a preventable, man-made disaster. He agreed with General Freakley that the Doha Agreement was the primary factor: of its four obligations—counterterrorism, intra-Afghan negotiations, a permanent ceasefire, and foreign troop withdrawal—only the U.S. withdrawal was implemented. The Taliban and regional backers ignored their responsibilities.

He also placed responsibility on Afghan leaders. Disunity, corruption, and self-interest “failed the Afghan people,” he said, calling for an accountability process and offering to participate: “We owe this to the Afghan people and to our international friends who sacrificed alongside us.” Atmar warned against mass deportations from Iran and Pakistan, arguing they violate international law, destabilize Afghanistan, and ultimately harm the deporting states. Returnees face repression, economic collapse, and indoctrination in Taliban-run “hate madrassas,” risking radicalization of a desperate new generation.

He concluded with cautious hope: the only durable solution is re-establishing a legitimate, inclusive government with domestic and international recognition, committed to human rights and obligations. Though difficult, he expressed faith in a UN-mandated process to achieve this.

• Suhasini Haidar, Diplomatic Editor, The Hindu (India)

Ms. Haidar reflected on India’s approach since 2021. She recalled meeting Atmar in New Delhi in March 2021, when there was still hope India might play a greater role. Instead, India’s initial reaction to Kabul’s fall was disappointing: the embassy was shut, visas were canceled, and borders closed, leaving Afghans—including students, patients, and families—stranded. Since then, India has recalibrated. It reopened channels, resumed aid, and established a small technical mission in Kabul to oversee development projects such as hospitals. A new visa regime has been introduced, though many problems remain.

Geopolitically, India’s goals are threefold:

1. Prevent Afghanistan from again becoming a terrorist training ground targeting India.
2. Maintain a regional presence amid Pakistan-China-Afghanistan ties.
3. Balance by engaging the Taliban without granting recognition.

India has refused to recognize Taliban-appointed ambassadors or allow Taliban flags, maintaining ties with the Republic-era missions. However, Haidar criticized India’s silence on women’s rights and gender apartheid. Despite Taliban promises, women remain excluded from education, employment, and public life.

Recommendations:

• Provide a safe haven for Afghan women academics and professionals.
• Use growing engagement—including FM Jaishankar’s direct talks—to press for political inclusion and women’s rights.
• Adopt a regional humanitarian perspective: “This is not a zero-sum game—Afghans are losing, Pakistan is losing, and India is losing.”

She urged India to couple aid with advocacy to avoid complicity in repression.

• Ambassador Shukria Barakzai, Former Afghan MP and Ambassador

Ambassador Barakzai delivered an impassioned statement on the systematic exclusion of women and its consequences. She described the displacement crisis as a direct outcome of the collapse of constitutional order and institutionalized gender apartheid. Since 2021, she noted, more than 200 decrees have restricted women’s lives—banning education, employment, movement, and participation in public life. Women have been harassed, arrested, tortured, and even raped for peaceful protest. Families with daughters have been forced to flee.

Key points:

• 8 million Afghans have fled since 2021, many directly due to the repression of women.
• Women contributed 23% of GDP before 2021; their exclusion has devastated the economy.
• Over 10,000 women activists in exile now face deportation threats.
• Inside Afghanistan, women face arbitrary punishment, disappearances, and rising maternal mortality.

A state that erases women from public life cannot claim legitimacy, she argued. Any political process that excludes women will be “illegitimate and unsustainable.”

Recommendations:

• Accountability for Taliban crimes, including international monitoring of aid.
• Legal status and protection for Afghan women refugees abroad.
• Benchmarks for engagement: reopen schools, restore women’s employment, protect independent media.
• Gender budgeting and independent oversight of humanitarian aid.

“We seek not only gender justice but survival. Without women’s equal rights, Afghanistan has no future.”

• Ali Nazary, Head of Foreign Relations, National Resistance Front (NRF)

Mr. Nazary, speaking for the armed political opposition, said displacement is a direct consequence of Taliban rule—an illegitimate, undemocratic regime unwilling to share power. Former ANDSF members went into hiding after August 2021; many are hunted within Afghanistan or refugees in Iran and Pakistan. Deportations back to Afghanistan are a “death sentence.” The Taliban have access to biometric data and target ex-soldiers for imprisonment or execution. Deportations, he argued, merely cycle refugees between danger and rejection. The root cause is the Taliban regime itself, which must be replaced by a legitimate, democratic government.

Recommendations:

• Recognize displaced Afghans and former ANDSF as refugees under the 1951 Convention.
• Stop mass deportations that violate non-refoulement.
• Support the Afghan opposition to build a representative government.

“The Taliban do not serve the Afghan people. They exploit resources, repress citizens, and export insecurity. There is no choice but to support the opposition and the people to form a truly representative government.”

• Professor William Maley, Emeritus Professor, Australian National University

Professor Maley addressed the legality of mass deportations and their implications for international refugee protection. Although Pakistan is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention, non-refoulement is customary international law. Mass deportations from both Iran (a signatory) and Pakistan violate international obligations. Deportees are not given individualized refugee assessments, enabling governments to falsely claim that they are not returning refugees.

Practically, many deported Afghans have spent decades abroad; some were born outside Afghanistan. They lack reintegration prospects, and Afghanistan cannot absorb them. He widened the lens to a global crisis of refugee protection: UNHCR funding is voluntary and insufficient; extremist political groups in the U.S., Europe, and Australia exploit anti-refugee rhetoric, pulling mainstream parties toward harsher policies.

“It is wishful thinking of the dreamiest variety to believe the Taliban will ever share power,” he said. The regime is structurally fragile, lacking legitimacy and mechanisms for succession; if it falls, “it will collapse faster than anyone expects.” He urged preparation for both continued displacement and a potential sudden collapse, while resisting the normalization of mass deportations.

Panel II – Political Pathways to Resolution

• Hasina Jalal, DI Global Advisory Council Member; Women’s Rights Advocate

Ms. Jalal stressed the urgency of continued high-level dialogue as Afghanistan marks four years under Taliban rule. She highlighted unprecedented reversals since 2021: bans on girls’ education, exclusion from work and politics, and systemic persecution through weaponized courts—policies she described as gender apartheid. She argued that any peace framework must rest on non-negotiable principles: accountability for crimes against humanity, truth-seeking and reparations, inclusive governance, judicial reform, and the restoration of women’s rights. She emphasized linking justice with socio-economic recovery and ensuring international cooperation to protect refugees and monitor compliance.

On displacement, Jalal insisted that Afghan women’s participation go beyond tokenism. She called for guaranteed representation, consultative platforms, leadership resources, safe communication channels, gender-sensitive monitoring, and strong partnerships with civil society and international actors. Her conclusion was clear: justice, accountability, and women’s empowerment must be the foundation of peace; otherwise, any settlement will remain fragile and unjust.

Recommendations

• Codify gender apartheid as a crime against humanity and ensure accountability.
• Guarantee women’s full participation, with displaced women represented as decision-makers.
• Integrate transitional justice—truth, accountability, reparations—into peacebuilding.
• Condition international engagement and aid on the measurable restoration of women’s rights.
• Protect refugees by halting forced returns and ensuring safe, voluntary resettlement.
• Establish independent monitoring of rights violations and enforcement mechanisms.
• Invest in capacity-building for women leaders to sustain long-term participation.

• Annie Pforzheimer, Former U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia

Ms. Pforzheimer thanked Ambassador Haidari, General Freakley, and DI, stressing the need to sustain conversations despite global “Afghanistan fatigue.” I see no role for the United States whatsoever in anything unilateral,” she stated. The only viable path is multilateral, regionally rooted diplomacy with the UN at the center. Afghanistan’s neighbors—India, Pakistan, Iran, and others—must be involved because durable solutions must reflect regional realities.

She endorsed the November 2023 UN Special Assessment recommending a platform for Afghans—inside and outside the country—to define a common vision for inclusive governance and human rights. “The very first step is enabling Afghans, wherever they are, to speak with one another.” Technology makes diaspora dialogue possible; the U.S. should press the UN to facilitate it. Afghans hold the “monopoly of moral force”; to translate it into political change, they must be empowered to unify.

On assistance, she stressed conditionality:

• Humanitarian aid must be transparent, needs-based, and women-led where possible.
• Taliban mining and energy contracts are considered “plunder”; as an illegitimate regime, they have no right to Afghanistan’s resources.
• The Taliban must continue to be denied Afghanistan’s UN seat; sanctions should be increased. She urged listing the Taliban under UNSC Resolution 1989 alongside al-Qaeda and TTP, due to their close cooperation.

“If the Taliban can afford secret prisons and squads to harass young girls over their sleeves, they can afford to pay for hospitals and food. The world should not subsidize their repression.”

Recommendations:

1. UN Credentials Committee – Continue denying Taliban representation.
2. Sanctions – Strengthen sanctions to limit resources while shielding humanitarian delivery.

• The Honorable Afrasiab Khattak, Former Senator, Pakistan; DI Global Advisory Council Member

Senator Khattak thanked Ambassador Haidari, General Freakley, and DI. Speaking from Islamabad, he offered a candid critique of Pakistan’s policies. Since the 1980s, Pakistan has lacked a legal framework for refugees, refusing to sign the 1951 Convention. This, he argued, was deliberate: the military establishment sought freedom to manipulate Afghan refugees as tools of war—refugees became “mujahideen,” later “Taliban.” It became “big business” for generals acting as “war contractors,” channeling foreign funds while turning refugees into fighters.

He rejected claims that Pakistan is decoupling from the Taliban. “The TTP and Afghan Taliban are the same,” he said. Strategic ties persist. Despite claims of strength against India, Pakistan’s army has ceded territory to the TTP—evidence of intention, not incapacity. He warned that Pakistan is exporting Talibanization into Central Asia; thousands of religious seminaries are moving from Pakistan into Afghanistan, a “new project” of instability. 9/11-style threats could re-emerge if Afghanistan remains a haven.

Khattak urged major powers to stop competing for influence—whether China for mines, Russia for footholds, or the U.S. for counterterrorism leverage—and focus instead on human rights and refugee protection. He lamented that the global war on terror weakened human rights systems, dehumanizing displaced Afghans and eroding democracy in Pakistan. He predicted continued power pursuits by Pakistan’s generals, possibly even constitutional changes to elevate the current army chief to the presidency. He called on the U.S., China, Russia, and Europe to stop indulging in war policies and prioritize the Afghan people. “We must speak for human rights, for the displaced, and for a free Afghanistan. Otherwise, instability will spread.”

• Ahmed Shuja Jamal, DI Global Advisory Council Member; Former Director General, Afghan National Security Council

Speaking late at night from his time zone, Mr. Jamal delivered a detailed and urgent analysis. On protecting former ANDSF personnel, he argued their persecution is now a systematic state policy. Despite the Taliban’s declared “amnesty,” ex-soldiers are hunted, disappeared, or executed—qualifying them as a “particular social group” under the Refugee Convention and entitling them to protection. Most ANDSF do not benefit from resettlement; only those with locally engaged staff (LES) status are covered by evacuation programs. He urged recognition of former ANDSF as refugees and prioritization for resettlement. A stark warning: “Protect your lists.” LES lists and embassy archives must never fall into Taliban hands; leaks, whether online or via embassy handovers, are a death sentence.

On DDR, Jamal argued that the real problem lies with Taliban fighters. Internal “cleansing” disarms and stigmatizes their own members, creating disaffected militants vulnerable to ISIS recruitment. Taliban fighters expect jobs and perks; denying them fuels instability. He noted evidence that the Taliban are integrating foreign terrorist fighters (e.g., ETIM, Jamaat Ansarullah) into law enforcement, especially in the north, turning DDR into a global security issue. “For the sake of everything good and holy, protect former ANDSF,” he concluded. “Sending them back is a death sentence. Safeguarding them is a humanitarian duty and essential for Afghanistan’s democratic future.”

Audience Q&A

Moral Injury and Veterans

Ms. Riane Donoho asked how advocates might frame moral injury among U.S. veterans as part of the case for renewed engagement in Afghanistan. Drawing from a Navy town experience after Vietnam, she recalled PTSD, homelessness, and despair. Many veterans of Afghanistan feel they abandoned their Afghan allies; can this argument be integrated into advocacy?

Responses:

• Professor Maley recounted a U.S. general who took his own life shortly after Kabul’s fall, consumed by guilt over leaving Afghan colleagues. Politicians underestimate the psychosocial toll. Many soldiers “survived on the strength of relationships with locals who later felt abandoned.” Recognizing moral injury is essential.
• Ms. Pforzheimer confirmed moral injury is already mobilized, particularly by AfghanEvac. It resonates across NATO allies and strengthens advocacy against deportations and for resettlement pipelines by linking veteran voices to refugee protection.

Legitimacy and International Recognition

Should the Taliban, given their control, be considered legitimate? Can international powers help build a legitimate alternative?

Responses:

• Ambassador Barakzai insisted the Taliban lack internal legitimacy, which normally comes through elections or consensual processes. Rule rests on coercion, and Afghanistan hosts more than 20 active terrorist groups—another reason legitimacy cannot be conferred. She called for building alternative political structures: diaspora caucuses, shadow institutions, transitional justice mechanisms, and coalition-building platforms. “Afghanistan is not condemned to illegitimacy,” she said, “but Taliban rule can never be recognized.”
• Professor Maley added that legitimacy requires institutionalized mechanisms for peaceful change. The current emphasis on “inclusivity” risks tokenism. Without the possibility of non-violent political change, legitimacy is a façade.

Recognition of Resistance Forces

How might international actors achieve recognition for resistance groups like the NRF?

Response:

• Mr. Jamal acknowledged the difficulty, noting that opposition forces lack unity. Any political or armed opposition capable of building a broad, inclusive coalition representing Afghans would attract attention. The key is a constitutional order that empowers citizens and ensures accountability. He broadened “moral injury” to include diplomats and aid workers who felt deep dissonance when the mission collapsed and allies were abandoned.

Closing Reflections

• Ambassador M. Ashraf Haidari

Ambassador Haidari tied together themes from both panels and the Q&A. Afghanistan’s displacement crisis is man-made, rooted in three interlocking factors:

1. The Taliban’s repressive and illegitimate rule.
2. Regional interference, particularly by states that supported the Taliban before and after 2021.
3. The absence of decisive international leadership since the Republic’s collapse.

He stressed that Afghanistan’s problems are regionally rooted—but regional states have largely been pragmatic, normalizing ties with the Taliban rather than supporting the Afghan people. He criticized the Trump administration’s disengagement and the Biden administration’s failure to sustain minimal support that could have preserved the Republic. Haidari urged the United States to re-assume leadership in a UN-backed peace process, as both a moral duty and a strategic interest. Stabilizing Afghanistan would serve America’s values and security alike. He concluded with a call for cooperation between East and West: “Where they confront elsewhere, they must cooperate in Afghanistan.”

• Lieutenant General Benjamin C. Freakley (Ret.)

General Freakley echoed the urgency. He praised the panels for diagnosing problems and sketching solutions, but warned the situation may worsen without greater international involvement. He pointed to public health emergencies—polio, measles, high infant and maternal mortality, and tuberculosis—as stark evidence of misrule. The U.S. must lead, with partners, in applying pressure on human rights, the rule of law, and health.

He was adamant that the Taliban must never be recognized: “They are not a government; they are a terrorist organization, a criminal organization, only out for themselves.” Afghans deserve a representative government of their choosing, not one imposed by violence. He called for a diaspora-driven movement to unify Afghan constituencies—recalling how Ahmad Shah Massoud rallied a Northern Alliance against overwhelming odds. Combined with global pressure, such a movement could bring down the Taliban “sooner rather than later.”

Consolidated Summary of Recommendations

1) Governance and Political Settlement

• Establish a legitimate, inclusive, democratic government in Afghanistan. (Atmar, Barakzai, Nazary, Maley, Jalal, Haidari, Freakley)
• Launch a UN-backed multilateral peace process, led with U.S. support but centered on Afghan voices and regional actors. (Atmar, Pforzheimer, Haidari)
• Deny Taliban recognition or UN credentials; legitimacy cannot arise from repression. (Barakzai, Pforzheimer, Maley, Freakley)
• Build diaspora caucuses, shadow institutions, and transitional justice structures to prepare a future political order. (Barakzai, Jamal)

2) Human Rights and Justice

• Make justice, accountability, and transitional justice non-negotiable in any peace framework. (Jalal)
• Pursue ICC prosecutions for crimes against humanity and gender-based persecution. (Jalal, Barakzai)
• Establish truth-seeking and reparations mechanisms. (Jalal)
• Rebuild a reformed, rights-based judiciary protecting women and minorities. (Jalal, Barakzai)

3) Women and Gender Equality

• Recognize and end gender apartheid. (Barakzai, Jalal, Haidari)
• Restore women’s education, employment, mobility, and political participation as benchmarks for engagement. (Barakzai, Jalal, Pforzheimer)
• Guarantee reserved seats and decision-making authority for displaced Afghan women in peace processes. (Jalal)
• Create consultative platforms and councils for displaced women to feed into negotiations; provide leadership training and resources. (Jalal)
• Institutionalize gender-sensitive monitoring; apply gender budgeting and independent oversight to aid. (Jalal, Barakzai)

4) Refugees, Displacement, and Protection

• Stop mass deportations from Iran, Pakistan, and elsewhere; they violate non-refoulement. (Atmar, Nazary, Maley, Jalal)
• Recognize former ANDSF and displaced Afghans as refugees under the 1951 Convention. (Nazary, Jamal)
• Provide legal status and protection for Afghan refugees abroad; expand resettlement, family reunification, and labor mobility pathways. (Barakzai, Jalal, Haidari)
• Protect sensitive staff lists and archives to prevent targeting. (Jamal)
• Prepare for both continued displacement and a potential sudden Taliban collapse; support voluntary, safe, and dignified return when conditions allow. (Maley, Haidari)

5) Security and Counterterrorism

• Recognize Taliban harboring of 20+ extremist groups as a global threat. (Freakley, Atmar, Khattak, Jamal)
• Prioritize protection and resettlement of former ANDSF. (Nazary, Jamal)
• Design DDR programs focused on Taliban fighters and foreign terrorist groups, not ex-ANDSF. (Jamal)
• Strengthen sanctions, potentially under UNSC Resolution 1989, while shielding humanitarian aid. (Pforzheimer)

6) Regional and International Cooperation

• End the use of refugees as geopolitical tools and halt proxy conflicts. (Atmar, Khattak, Haidari)
• The U.S. should lead at the UN Security Council to unify the international response. (Pforzheimer, Haidari, Freakley)
• Major powers should prioritize human rights over competition in Afghanistan. (Khattak)
• India should balance aid with advocacy for women’s rights, host Afghan women scholars, and press the Taliban directly. (Haidar)

7) Humanitarian and Economic Measures

• Ensure aid bypasses the Taliban via transparent, women-led, community-based delivery. (Pforzheimer, Barakzai)
• Link justice with socio-economic recovery; integrate aid with transitional justice. (Jalal)
• Confront the plundering of natural resources; deem contracts signed under the Taliban illegitimate. (Pforzheimer)
• Address public health crises—polio, measles, maternal mortality, TB—as urgent priorities. (Freakley)

8) Advocacy and Narrative

• Use veterans’ moral injury as a persuasive advocacy frame in the U.S. and NATO states. (Maley, Pforzheimer)
• Amplify diaspora voices—especially youth and women—in shaping Afghanistan’s future. (Haidari, Jalal, Jamal)
• Document and publicize Taliban crimes to maintain international pressure. (Barakzai, Jalal, Jamal)

Conclusion

Four years after the Taliban’s return to power, Afghanistan remains trapped in overlapping crises of displacement, repression, and political illegitimacy. The discussions in this conference made clear that these challenges are not inevitable; they are man-made, avoidable, and perpetuated by policies that exclude, silence, and oppress. At the heart of Afghanistan’s crisis lies the systematic denial of rights—particularly to women and girls—which continues to erode governance, undermine stability, and drive people from their homes.

Panelists repeatedly emphasized that a pathway to peace cannot be forged through the accommodation of repression. Instead, it must be grounded in inclusive, rights-based processes under United Nations auspices, where women, youth, civil society, and displaced Afghans have a decisive role. Any future political arrangement that excludes these voices will lack legitimacy and durability.

At the same time, urgent humanitarian priorities cannot be neglected. Deportations from neighboring states, inadequate refugee protection, and the absence of dignified, voluntary return mechanisms only deepen human suffering. Aid must be delivered in ways that uphold rights, empower women, and reach communities without distortion or diversion. The international community and Afghanistan’s neighbors alike face a choice: to normalize repression and displacement, or to recommit to principles of justice, human dignity, and peace.

This conference affirmed that Afghans are resilient and determined, but they cannot carry this burden alone. Sustained global engagement, principled diplomacy, and coordinated regional cooperation are indispensable. Afghanistan today is a litmus test of international resolve. If the world is willing to uphold its commitments, the next four years could mark the beginning of recovery and hope. If not, repression, displacement, and despair will only deepen, with consequences far beyond Afghanistan’s borders.